The recent developments in Venezuela and especially Chavez’s talk of socialism which he named as “Socialism of the 21st Century” created a new wave of excitement in the vast majority of the world socialist movement. It is undoubtedly exciting and pleasing for anyone who calls himself/herself Marxist to see that working masses demonstrate openly their discontent against the system by eliminating traditional bourgeois parties, repulse - by fighting in the streets - attempts of coup d´état supported by the Venezuelan oligarchy and the US imperialism and finally create a revolutionary situation. But, the meaning of these developments changes when it is realized that the real source of this wave of excitement is not the revolutionary situation created by the initiative of the masses but the demagogical talk and populist policies of Chavez.

Turkey has been in a state of political turmoil for the last few weeks due to the process of electing a new president by the parliament. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), a split from an earlier moderate Islamist party (the Virtue Party) about six years ago as one of the consequences of the military intervention in 1997, sought to elect one of its leading members as president, which is fiercely opposed by the Kemalist-nationalist establishment spearheaded by the military and the main bourgeois opposition party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP).

You cannot play games with revolution. If the ones who talk about revolution and socialism want to stand by their words, they must follow a proper way to fulfil the resulting tasks on an organizational and strategic level. However some socialist groups including some would-be internationalists have already indulged themselves in the so called “left winds”. With a frivolous attitude, they follow a policy of “saving” the moment.

In recent years, a great deal has been written and said about globalisation. The imperialist powers even derived an ideology which is expressed with this concept, and which corresponds to their worldwide interests. To such an extent that, everything is being explained via this concept: Global economy, global interests, global terror, global assault, global defence, global hazards etc. Under conditions that the socialist movement is at the bottom and the bourgeois ideology has gained strength, the concept of globalisation has been almost declared as the motto of the twenty-first century. The liberal and reformist left circles that tailed after the bourgeois ideology theorised the fact of globalisation in accordance with the interests of the bourgeoisie. Globalisation has been and is being presented decorated with pompous labels like “post-capitalist society” or “information society” as if it were a magic potion that would eternalize the capitalist mode of production.

Is there any room for a "socialism in one country" in Marx's scientific theory of socialism? Is there a separate socio-economic formation called "socialism" in itself independent from communism in Marx's theory? Can the socialist organisation of society (which is classless society) be compatible with the simultaneous presence of a "nation-state"? Can there really be a workers' democracy if the workers do not rule, even if there is a state conducting "in the name of" the working class, organised in a bureaucratic manner with its professional army and police, judicial and administrative machinery? Or, in such a "workers" state, in whose hands would be the real power: in the hands of workers, or of some others?

In this book, Elif Çağlı deals with these questions and other similar ones, and gives answers on the basis of Marxism.

For such a long time the significant lyrics of the Internationale have reflected the revolutionary hope and enthusiasm of the working class in many countries. The International unites the human race! These words do not merely voice revolutionary enthusiasm rising up through the air, but also express an important truth. It is an indispensable condition that the working class must be successful in its struggle against capitalism in order for the humanity to achieve liberty, getting rid of the evil of exploitative and class societies. To advance this struggle and gain victory depends in turn on the level of internationalist consciousness and organization of the proletariat.

The trade unions cannot be surrendered into the hands of the bureaucrats, particularly at such a crucial time. The unions can undertake very important functions when there is a wave of struggles that rises from the rank and file of the working class. Look at the deep discontent that is simmering among the rank and file of the workers' unions. Listen to the voice of militant workers and shop stewards who are try to give a fighting lead in the various union branches. Forward to the class struggle against the imperialist war! No room for pessimism; mobilise in the struggle against the imperialist war and this condemned capitalist order!

As an indication of how worried the bosses in Turkey are about these developments is the greater police presence in key places and neighbourhoods. This is the sign of the things to come.

We are passing through an atmosphere in which the rage against the imperialist war is turning into a massive reaction throughout the world. Through pacifist actions, pacifists and reformists are trying to limit this reaction of the masses, which is gradually assuming an anti-capitalist content, to the confines of capitalist order. Yet the only force that can stop this war is the organised power of the world working class, which comes from production. All revolutionists, communists and conscious workers should mobilise all working class organisations, above all unions, to form factory committees against war and coordinate them on a national and international scale. Preparations and rehearsals of general strikes that will stop all production and transportation when the war begins should immediately be started.

It is their task to raise the unconscious or semi-conscious processes within the movement to the level of revolutionary consciousness and organisation, to turn the spontaneous struggle of the working class into an organised struggle for the overthrow of capitalism! And this can only be achieved through the creation of a revolutionary organisation capable of leading the working class on an international scale.

One should never be misled by the cheap heroism of the Turkish bourgeoisie - its government, official opposition, organisations of capital, General Staff - that gives a false impression of anti war attitude. There cannot be a common point between the genuine anti war attitude of the overwhelming majority of the working class and toiling masses and the attitude of bourgeoisie. Because their problem is not their conscience but wallets. What troubles them is not mutual massacring of sons of poor people but whether they will profit from the adventure of war they will set out. Now the Turkish bourgeoisie comparatively reckons the loss and profit in case of both giving and not giving support to war in Iraq. So the prospect of an imperialist war exposes the disgusting face of capitalism in a blatant way.

Although the blow inflicted by the toiling masses against the rotten bourgeois parties is welcome, we understand that, unless they are organised, the masses cannot reform this system. Nor can they resist the attacks of the capitalist system, whatever bourgeois party they bring to power. The task of communists, contrary to the propaganda of the bourgeois liberal priests, is to transform the anger of the working class into a conscious opposition to the system. Their task is to organise the struggle effectively, and prepare the way for the underlying opposition to the system to express itself clearly and prove itself on the streets. Now the broad masses are expecting jobs, democracy etc., from the AKP government. ... The truth has to be explained and the advanced layers need to be organised. This task falls on our shoulders. In a bid to save its morale, the bourgeoisie is presenting the AKP government as opening up a new period where its own interests can be defended. A new period also opens up for us, in which we need to step up the struggle in the interests of our class, the working class.

Under conditions of deep economic crisis, mass unemployment and war, Turkey will be shaken to its foundations. Erdogan and the AKP have no answer to the problems faced by the masses. After an initial period of lull, as the masses digest their experience, there will be the beginnings of a mass movement, particularly on the industrial front, which will bring the working class into collision with this government. The stage will be set for an enormous upswing of the class struggle in Turkey.

Turkey is now engulfed in economic crises never seen before. There are aspects of recent crises peculiar to Turkey, but the source of problem is essentially the world capitalism. As a result of economic programs dictated by the imperialist organisations like World Bank and IMF, Turkish economy constantly resorts to devaluations and lives with loans. Turkey is now one of the eight most indebted countries of the world. The total amount of its debts is nearly $210 billion.

As membership of Cyprus to the EU draws closer, the pressure exerted by liberals in the Turkish press on Denktas (the president of the so-called, but unrecognised KKTC, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus) has been increasing. All of a sudden they have started to complain about how many millions of dollars Cyprus has cost Turkey in these hard times of economic crisis, and what a huge fetter this is for Turkey’s entry into the EU. The debate has swiftly turned into a blunt choice of “whether to abandon Cyprus or annex it”.

It is very important to overcome the theoretical confusion reproduced at a more intellectual level by some “revolutionary Marxist” circles who adapted themselves tothe Third Worldism and hoodwinked by these movements. Here, we only touch briefly on the matters such as; why and how in backward countries had the petty-bourgeois leaderships entered a road which led to the liquidation of capitalism; what kind of problems arise in relation to the permanent revolution and where does the solution of these problems lie in our opinion. But first of all, it is necessary to take a glance at how in Trotskyist movement had this question been attempted to solve.

We know that the world capitalist system, which moves through cycles of crises, tries to overcome big crises with wars, repression and reactionary regimes that mean incredible suffering for the masses. But we must add that the convulsive periods in world history have also been the womb of revolutions...